IN this, and the last two columns, I examined the nature of the criminal legal troubles facing the Mohameds and the nature of the criminal allegations against PPP officials.
To the eyes of the regular citizenry and political observers, it appeared as if the PPP government had no interest in prosecuting the Mohameds. For example, following the well-publicised murder of ‘Paper Shorts’ on Main Street, certain allegations were made against Azruddin Mohamed, together with serious police corruption. It was also alleged that the ruling PPP political apparatus, at the time, seemed to be in a non-interventionist mode.
Further, even though credible international press reported the existence of active U.S. government investigations into the business practices of the Mohameds, there were no publicly reported steps by government to curb their business activities. In fact, during that period, their business empire seemed poised to rapidly expand. The media reported that the family made massive investments in oil and gas and quarry-related activities along with at least two large government contracts.
I believe that this initial casual approach to dealing with the Mohameds attracted heavy behind-the-scenes diplomatic flak from the U.S. government. As it would seem, the same quiet but firm pressure was applied to elements in the U.S.-linked business community.
As reported, our major oil extractor had signalled that it would not do business with a major shore-base facility if the Mohameds remained as investors. They were forced to divest their financial interest in the facility. Then came OFAC sanctions.
As it seemed, on the surface, there was initial resistance by the Government of Guyana (GoG) to act against the Mohameds. I could imagine the government pointedly saying to the U.S., “you cannot expect us to act against our own citizens based on allegations originating in a foreign land; you have to share sufficient credible intelligence with us.” The GoG formally requested the dossier of transgressions, which contained a long trail of local and international violations. That said, once OFAC sanctions were announced, followed by the U.S. federal grand jury indictment and formal extradition request, the GoG was compelled to act.
The government also came under intense pressure and scorching criticism from the opposition, civil society, and ordinary citizens for what seemed, at the time, to be hesitancy. Further, there were international treaty obligations that could not be shirked without attracting severe adverse geopolitical consequences. Further, owing to the structure of international financial architecture, everything that moves, moves based on rules dictated by the U.S. It is of such, that a majority of the consequences of U.S. sanctions can take effect without direct government participation.
There are a few things to note. Long before the OFAC sanctions, the Mohameds were under U.S. visa sanctions. It was reported that they hired a U.S. law firm to find ways to remove the sanctions. It is believed that two major pieces of advice were tendered: one, take swift and decisive steps to sanitise public image and two, get involved in politics – ‘reformed’ prominent politicians get back their visas faster than obscure, ordinary citizens. It is believed that this advice led Nazar Mohamed to run for local government office and Azruddin, the face of their image- sanitisation project, to go on a public-charity blitz. I believe that during the pre-OFAC politico-charity blitz, Azruddin did not have plans to run for office using his own political outfit. The Mohameds were still in the business mainstream together with a seemingly passive, affable government. The idea was to make some clean investments, cultivate a clean public image, get back the visa, and move on with life.
Nevertheless, the OFAC financial sanctions came. The advice reiterated that sanctions are usually removed when the sanctioned individual attains significant political office. I believe, originally, that Azruddin wanted to simply run for parliamentary office under the PPP banner and receive shelter and political protection. Playing out on the geopolitical stage, Maduro was enemy number one in the hemisphere and the U.S. government believed that the Mohameds had direct, friendly relations with agents of Maduro. They soon realised that they were not going to get political coverage – animosity was born. Azruddin had no choice but to summon his full regalia of pretence and run for office; his freedom and business interest were at stake – bitter rivalry ensued.
There is a brigade of political pretenders who argued that, if Dr Irfaan Ali and Anil Nandlall can run for office while charges were pending against them, then Azruddin can also run for and hold high constitutional office. These same political hypocrites who had earlier lambasted the government and accused it of protecting the Mohameds, called for independent international investigations and involvement of the FBI.
When sanctions and indictments came from an independent international investigation, involving the very FBI, and Azruddin became an enemy of their political enemy, he suddenly became their poster-boy for political persecution. It must be remembered that Dr Ashni Singh was charged by the APNU+AFC government and at the time, he was working and living in Dubai, a place that does not extradite people to Georgetown. Being sure of his innocence, he voluntarily returned to Guyana, went through the court process, and was exonerated. Azruddin is entreated to do likewise, face his accusers, clear his name and be back in Guyana minus the cloud of suspicion and take his proper place as ‘president’ in 2030-31.